Essay 3
Breaking Apart Families: The Immigration Problem
Adrian Benjamin · ENG C1000 · Prof. Griffiths · 4 August 2026
Immigration enforcement under the Trump administration has been much more rigorous than in previous administrations. Ibrahim Hirsi’s “Ten Weeks Under Occupation” shows how some of these activities actually took place. The author, a journalist and historian based in Minneapolis, describes Operation Metro Surge, an operation carried out by ICE and the Border Patrol in the Twin Cities that resulted in the raid of many homes and establishments. Although most of the people who were raided were either citizens or legal residents, agents were soon raiding neighborhoods, surveilling the Somali community, and conducting street stops. The researchers Akash Pillai, Drishti Pillai, and Samantha Artiga tell us in their KFF brief “Potential Impacts of Mass Detention and Deportation Efforts on the Health and Well-being of Immigrant Families” that this case was not unique at all. They note that immigration enforcement creates fear and leads to hardships in the hospitals and healthcare facilities serving immigrant populations. Another example, studied by Sarah Elizabeth Neville and her colleagues, is “Firmly Rooted,” a family-strengthening program in Sierra Leone. Their research in Child & Youth Care Forum is relevant here because it shows that separation from family harms children regardless of its cause, and that programs aimed at eliminating the causes of separation, such as poverty or weak parent-child contact, are effective in helping families stay united. Taken together, these three sources prove that family separation is not merely an accidental by-product of enforcement policy, but rather an expected consequence. If the goal is protecting families, then they should be strengthened, not separated.
The trend Hirsi discovered in Minneapolis becomes increasingly daunting when considered alongside the broader findings presented by Pillai, Pillai, and Artiga. While Hirsi tells the story of the human cost of one operation, the KFF brief situates it within a wider systemic context. The authors state that the fear created by enforcement activity does not stay limited to those directly involved; it spreads across immigrant communities and prevents people from seeking medical services, reporting crimes, and contacting public institutions even when they themselves are not at risk of arrest (Pillai et al.). This conclusion proves that the negative impact of operations like Metro Surge is not confined to the affected households. The Somali residents whom Hirsi describes being monitored or stopped by police are a perfect illustration of the community-wide anxiety that Pillai and her co-authors identify as a logical consequence of aggressive enforcement.
Read together, the two sources suggest that fear and family disruption are not incidental side effects of immigration policy but structural features built into how that policy is carried out.
The study of the “Firmly Rooted” project conducted by Neville et al. is significant, and it adds a unique yet complementary viewpoint, because it considers family separation from the standpoint of prevention rather than description. The researchers examine a project meant specifically to uphold families in Sierra Leone and demonstrate that separation is not an intrinsic trait of poverty. The fact that this process harms children no matter its cause supports Pillai et al.’s argument about the emotional and developmental impact of separation, and it proves that this claim is not U.S.-specific but applies to family relationships more broadly. Importantly, the fact that the project succeeds by addressing root causes such as poverty shows that family separation often happens because institutions choose to ignore the need to keep people united. If a targeted, resource-limited program in Sierra Leone can meaningfully reduce family separation by addressing its causes, then the far more resourced immigration enforcement apparatus in the United States could, in principle, pursue similar goals rather than intensifying the very conditions that produce separation.
These three sources combined reveal a common theme: family separation did not happen by chance. Hirsi examines how family separation works in practice; Pillai, Pillai, and Artiga show how such separation harms not only detained people but also the relationship between a community and its institutions; and Neville and her co-authors prove that it is possible to mitigate separation by changing existing policy in favor of keeping families united. Taking evidence from journalism, public health, and international social work together, it becomes difficult to see family separation as an unintentional consequence of immigration enforcement.
In the end, the case for reform does not mean ending immigration enforcement. Instead, it is about revising the methods and priorities that guide enforcement and building new immigration reforms on humane principles. If policymakers claim they care about families, they must evaluate immigration enforcement not only by its effectiveness in removing people from the United States but also by the amount of collateral disruption these methods cause to the people around them.
The data from Minneapolis, public health studies, and family-strengthening programs abroad all confirm that separation is not inevitable; it is a choice made by the government.
It is therefore vital to address the reasons behind this problem instead of treating separation as a routine outcome. Doing so points toward a more humane method of immigration law, one that would prioritize the protection of families rather than accepting their disruption as the ordinary cost of enforcement.
Works Cited
- Hirsi, Ibrahim. “Ten Weeks Under Occupation.”
- Neville, Sarah Elizabeth, et al. “Firmly Rooted: A Family-Strengthening Program in Sierra Leone.” Child & Youth Care Forum.
- Pillai, Akash, Drishti Pillai, and Samantha Artiga. “Potential Impacts of Mass Detention and Deportation Efforts on the Health and Well-being of Immigrant Families.” KFF.